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| Recent Publications by New English Review Authors |
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In Praise of Prejudice: The Necessity of Preconceived Ideas by Theodore Dalrymple |
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Defending The West: by Ibn Warraq |
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Nations, Language and Citizenship: by Norman Berdichevsky |
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Romancing Opiates by Theodore Dalrymple |
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Which Koran? by Ibn Warraq |
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Our Culture, What's Left of It
by Theodore Dalrymple |
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What The Koran Really Says by Ibn Warraq |
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Life at the Bottom by Theodore Dalrymple |
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The Origins of the Koran by Ibn Warraq |
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Why I Am Not Muslim by Ibn Warraq |
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Spanish Vignettes: An Offbeat Look Into Spain's Culture, Society & History by Norman Berdichevsky |
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Leaving Islam Edited by Ibn Warraq |
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Here are the Blogs in the Norman Berdichevsky category.
Wednesday, 12 March 2008
Sweden And Denmark

Few neighboring countries were at war so often with each other from the Middle Ages until the end of the Protestant reformation as Sweden and Denmark--in much the same way as France and Germany from Napoleonic times until World War II. For most Americans this comes as a surprise, since both countries along with the rest of Scandinavia enjoy a modern image of peaceful states that enjoyed neutrality throughout most major modern European conflicts. The many similarities in culture, language, religion, the common reputation as "welfare states" with advanced social legislation and a social security net to prevent outright deprivation have obscured much of the same differences in outlook that distinguish Americans and Brits in spite of a long common history and shared institutions.
Like the differences that led to the American Revolution and the final separation from England in spite of the presence of a large contingent of loyalists who remained loyal to their king and oath of allegiance, Danes and Swedes could not agree on the form of the union between them. The differences separating them did not constitute an ocean but a common land boundary and narrow stretches of water. What we call Southern Sweden today is known by the regional name of Skåne (with its own flag). It was both in terms of physical geography, landscape, soils, vegetation and climate a part of the Danish Kingdom from the earliest appearance of a state embracing Jutland (Jylland), Skåne across the Øresund and the main Danish islands Funen, (Fyn) and Zealand (Sjæland), lying amidst the two "Belts" in the Kattegat.
Like the case of the English governors and the American colonial houses of representation, the Swedish and Danish nobility were diverse sources of power. Growing resentment of the Union led to the desire for renewed Swedish independence and the eviction of Danish control of Skåne, a move that would award Sweden a share in the control of the narrow straits, through which European maritime traffic passed from the North Sea and the Baltic.
It also meant the end of Danish monopoly. With two such contrasting visions of their future and status, the union collapsed and war followed war from 1434 until 1720. Even with Denmark's ability to mobilize allies, most notably the Russians, the results were almost continuously successful for Sweden, and a terrific blow to Denmark's prestige and image as the leading Scandinavian power.
The result was also a strong national enmity that built upon existing resentments. A final blow was dealt when Sweden picked the winner in the Napoleonic wars and Denmark was forced to cede control of Norway to its bitter enemy, adding a final humiliation and promoting Sweden to the undisputed position as the "big brother." This diplomatic victory was bitterly resented in both Denmark and Norway as an example of Swedish imperialism.
Although Denmark proper (Jutland, Fyn and Zealand) was never conquered by Sweden, it too suffered humiliation by its archrival as a result of constant military defeats that eclipsed its early domination of the Baltic. This ignominy served as a cause of irredentist hopes for centuries and prolonged the hatred between the two countries.
To this day, the Danish royal anthem sings of a naval victory of their King Christian IV over the Swedish fleet in 1644. By contrast, the Swedish anthem never even mentions the name of the country but exclaims, "I will live and die in 'Norden'" (a term, like Scandinavia, referring to the entire region).
World War II added a modern chapter when Denmark and Norway fell to a German invasion, while Sweden maintained a profitable neutrality and allowed transport of both German troops and German-controlled Norwegian and Finnish raw materials across its territory issues, which created an additional layer of resentment, rivalry and competitiveness.
The Danes have always had a reputation among their Scandinavian colleague as being much more European, especially because of French influence, and therefore are regarded as somewhat decadent, less puritanical, lackadaisical, sloppy, and more interested in good food and pursuing beautiful women than the aloof, industrious, neat, well-groomed, rational (the Danes would add "arrogant") Swedes--or the athletic, honest, nature-loving and athletic Norwegians. Of course, like all stereotypes, there is both exaggeration and enough of a grain of truth in these images to convince observers to look for confirmation.
The popular press, especially the mass circulation tabloids, delights in playful teasing and taunting the older brother rival that sometimes reaches grotesque proportions. Although educated people regard this pandering to old prejudices as the cheapest form of sensationalism, its continued emotional long-term appeal cannot be doubted.
A favorite part of this teasing is the double-meanings employed in manipulating the two closely related languages. Danes and Swedes will often prefer to converse in English rather than speak their own languages with each other. The written form is sufficiently similar so that the general meaning of texts can be generally understand but differences in intonation, pronunciation and the distinct different meanings of closely sounding words provide an endless form of humor. Swedes have a special "Sj" sound and most Danes use a pronounced glottal stop that are difficult for non-natives to imitate.
In 1944, a Dane and a Swede, Ellen Hartmann and Valfrid Palmgren Munch-Petersen, wrote a special dictionary titled Farlige ord og lumske ligheder i dansk og svensk (Dangerous words and awkward similarities in Danish and Swedish) that should be read by anyone needing to master the neighboring language and avoid embarrassing mistakes. One can imagine the reaction of an American woman to an expression like: "I came by yesterday to knock you up but nobody was home." For an Englishman until circa 1970 this simply meant: "I came by and knocked on the door to see if you were home."
All this may seem like making a mountain out of a molehill for many foreign observers who imagine that the Scandinavian peoples are so similar they should have long ago buried the hatchet. Indeed, all the Scandinavian states remain among the most stable in the world politically. They cooperate in many economic and social areas such as the joint SAS airline and are culturally, socially and linguistically similar, but maintain a distinct sense of political separateness.
History and especially geography has determined much of their foreign policy and prevented them from following a common one or joining in an alliance. Norway and Denmark joined NATO due to their inability to maintain their neutrality in World War II, while Sweden continues to be neutral. All three jealously guard their independence. Denmark's close proximity and border conflict over Schleswig (Slesvig) prevented Norway and Sweden from considering a Scandinavian alliance before the World Wars with their prospect of German expansionism and revenge.

Posted on 4:53 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Sunday, 9 March 2008
Medved’s Five Points and The Hand of the Mahdi

Only fourteen years after the death of British General Charles George "Chinese" Gordon in 1885 near Khartoum, and the loss of his 7,000 loyal Egyptian and Sudanese troops at the hands of the followers of the religious fanatic “Mahdi”, Muhammad Ahmad, Winston Churchill wrote….……
“How dreadful are the curses which Mohammedanism lays on its votaries! Besides the fanatical frenzy, which is as dangerous in a man as hydrophobia in a dog, there is this fearful fatalistic apathy.
The effects are apparent in many countries. Improvident habits, slovenly systems of agriculture, sluggish methods of commerce, and insecurity of property exist wherever the followers of the Prophet rule or live.
A degraded sensuality deprives this life of its grace and refinement; the next of its dignity and sanctity. The fact that in Mohammedan law every woman must belong to some man as his absolute property, either as a child, a wife, or a concubine, must delay the final extinction of slavery until the faith of Islam has ceased to be a great power among men.
Individual Moslems may show splendid qualities, but the influence of the religion paralyses the social development of those who follow it. No stronger retrograde force exists in the world. Far from being moribund, Mohammedanism is a militant and proselytizing faith. It has already spread throughout Central Africa, raising fearless warriors at every step; and were it not that Christianity is sheltered in the strong arms of science, the science against which it had vainly struggled, the civilization of modern Europe might fall, as fell the civilization of ancient Rome. -- Sir Winston Churchill (The River War, first edition, Vol. II, pages 248-50 [London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1899]).
The Egyptian government had stood in a quandry before the Mahdi, a forerunner of Al-Qaeda, who claimed dominion over the entire Islamic world. Even the Ottoman Sultan regarded this fanaticism as a threat to his position as Caliph, but did not dare to challenge his claim. Gordon’s death was later avenged by a British Army (with the blessings of President Theodore Roosevelt) and in so doing, brought slavery to an end and rescued Egyptian nationalism from the threat of extinction by fundamentalist Islam. In the dramatic Hollywood film on the siege of Khartoum, the narrator plays tribute to Gordon …. We cannot tell how long his memory will live. But there is this….A world with no room for the Gordons is destined to revert to the sands.
After his victory, Muhammad Ahmad slaughtered thousands of civilians in Khartoum and took many thousands more as slaves. He became the ruler of most parts of modern day Sudan, and established a religious state, the Mahdiyah. It was governed by a harsh enforcement of Islamic law (Sharia). In Britain, Gordon was regarded as a hero and martyr and in 1898, an expedition against the Mahdists led by Horatio Kitchener avenged his death and re-conquered the Sudan.
What we know today is that there are no Gordons or Churchills in the West and that, like the helpless Sultan, there is no figure among Muslim national leaders capable of openly confronting what Churchill rightly called “this fearful fatalistic apathy“. In Gordon’s time, the Khedive of Egypt, Isma’il Pasha had sought the help of British and American military men to help create a strong Egyptian army and even if corrupt, he strove to place the welfare of the Egyptian people and their existence as a nation in the forefront of his policies. His successors committed Egyptian troops to oppose the Mahdi under Gordon's command.
Today there is no similar national ruler in the now independent Muslim states, not Mubarak in Egypt nor the third rate Shi’ite or Sunni “allies” we have in Iraq, nor Musharraf or his successors in Pakistan. Even less so among our European allies. Even when they themselves are targeted by the Islamic Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda or other fundamentalist groups, these leaders dare not try to openly move against these extremists and label their version of Islam as heretical.
This is why “Medved’s Five Points“ strike a responsive chord with many in the West, not just pacifists or ultra naïve Democrats. Even some conservative self-styled hardliners find Medved’s “logic” persuasive. This is of course, the same traditional “logic” of the old Middle East “hands” at the State Department, and the British and French Foreign Offices who recoil at the hint of a confrontation with extremist Islamists. This is why President Bush (and probably John McCain if elected) can only go so far before they are reined in by the “old hands“ at the State Department. All we have to do is listen to the most recent statements of Condi Rice and her constant apologetics for Mahmud Abbas and the Palestinian Authority.
Even the ghoulish atrocity committed by a fanatic against Israeli rabbinical students in Jerusalem that elicited demonstrations of joy and street celebrations in Gaza has not been denounced by any established Muslim religious authority. The dead hand of the Mahdi continues to hold us in a strangle hold and we have reverted to the sands.

Posted on 6:55 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Tuesday, 22 January 2008
Stormy Applause For Molotov

I recently came across the full text on the internet of Molotov's speech to the Supreme Soivet following the Hitler-Stalin Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939 and found one redeeming point in it. I and many others despair at the current unrelenting villification of America and Israel. Many Americans who are subject to the unremitting hostility of the Arab world claiming that they (not only "The Palestinians") are the victims, have an important ally in the impatience of "world opinion", the "desire" for peace (at any price) and often question whether cheaper oil isn't worth changing our stance.
When it comes to world history, we have the benefit of hindsight. I find it relevant and important to understand how this example of equal madness to today's lasted 22 months (August 1939 to June 1941) and for a time "made a case" appealing to those who called themselves "progressives" and "anti-war activists". Of course, it may look absurd and insane today but it is worth remembering..... especially the line that those who opposed Nazism in the West ........were waging an ideological war reminiscent of the religious wars of the olden times and that the principal victims of such a conflict were ...the working class. (Sound familiar?)
ON THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOVIET UNION
Report of Comrade V.M Molotov, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs, at Sitting of Supreme Soviet of USSR on Oct. 31, 1939.
Comrades deputies!
There have been important changes in the international situation during the past two months. This applies above all to Europe, but also to countries far beyond the confines of Europe. In this connection, mention should be made of three principal circumstances which are of decisive importance.
Firstly, mention should be made of the changes that have taken place in the relations between the Soviet Union and Germany. Since the conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, an end has been put to the abnormal relations that existed between the Soviet Union and Germany for a number of years. Instead of enmity, which was fostered in every way by certain European powers, we now have rapprochement and the establishment of friendly relations between the USSR and Germany. A further improvement in these new, good relations found its reflection in the German-Soviet Treaty on Amity and the Frontier Between the USSR and Germany signed in Moscow on September 28. This radical change in the relations between the Soviet Union and Germany, the two biggest states in Europe, was bound to have its effect on the entire international situation. Furthermore, events have entirely confirmed the estimation of the political significance of the Soviet-German rapprochement given at the last session of the Supreme Soviet.
Secondly, mention must be made of such a fact as the defeat of Poland in the war and the collapse of the Polish state. The ruling circles of Poland boasted quite a lot about the "stability" of their state and the "might" of their army. However, one swift blow at Poland, first by the German army and then by the Red Army, and nothing was left of this ugly offspring of the Versailles Treaty, which had existed by oppressing the non-Polish nationalities. The "traditional policy" of unprincipled maneuvering between Germany and the USSR and of playing off one against the other has proved unsound and has suffered complete bankruptcy.
Thirdly, it must be admitted that the big war that has flared up in Europe has caused radical changes in the entire international situation. This war began as a war between Germany and Poland and turned into a war between Germany, on the one hand, and Great Britain and France, on the other. The war between Germany and Poland ended quickly owing to the utter bankruptcy of the Polish leaders. As we know, neither British nor French guarantees were of help to Poland. To this day, in fact, nobody knows what these "guarantees" were. (General laughter.) The war between Germany and the Anglo-French bloc is only in its first stage and has not yet been really developed. It is, nevertheless, clear that a war like this was bound to cause radical changes in the situation in Europe, and not only in Europe.
In connection with these important changes in the international situation certain old formulas - formulas which we employed but recently and to which many people are so accustomed - are now obviously out of data and inapplicable. We must be quite clear on this point, so as to avoid making gross errors in judging the new political situation that has developed in Europe.
We know, for example, that in the past few months such concepts as "aggression" and "aggressor" have acquired a new, concrete connotation, a new meaning. It is not hard to understand that we can no longer employ these concepts in the sense we did, say, three or four months ago. Today, as far as the European great powers are concerned, Germany is in the position of a state which is striving for the earliest termination of the war and for peace, while Great Britain and France, which but yesterday were declaiming against aggression, are in favor of continuing the war and are opposed to the conclusion of peace. The roles, as you see, are changing.
The efforts of the British and French Governments to justify this new position of theirs on the grounds of their undertakings to Poland are, of course, obviously unsound. Everybody realizes that there can be no question of restoring the old Poland. It is, therefore, absurd to continue the present war under the flag of the restoration of the former Polish state. Although the Governments of Great Britain and France understand this, they do not want the war stopped and peace restored but are seeking new excuses for continuing the war with Germany.
The ruling circles of Great Britain and France have of late been attempting to depict themselves as champions of the democratic rights of nations against Hitlerism, and the British Government has announced that its aim in the war with Germany is nothing more nor less than the "destruction of Hitlerism." It amounts to this, that the British and, with them, the French supporters of the war have declared something in the nature of an "ideological" war on Germany, reminiscent of the religious wars of the olden times. In fact religious wars against heretics and religious dissenters were once the fashion. As we know, they led to the direst results for the masses, to economic ruin and the cultural deterioration of nations. These wars could have no other outcome. But they were wars of the Middle Ages. Is it back to the Middle Ages, to the days of religious wars, superstition and cultural deterioration that the ruling classes of Great Britain and France want to drag us? In any case, under the "ideological" flag has now been started a war of even greater dimensions and fraught with even greater danger for the peoples of Europe and of the whole world. But there is absolutely no justification for a war of this kind. One may accept or reject the ideology of Hitlerism, as well as any other ideological system; that is a matter of political views. But everybody will understand that ideology cannot be destroyed by force, that it cannot be eliminated by war. It is, therefore, not only senseless but criminal to wage such a war as a war for the "destruction of Hitlerism," camouflaged as a fight for "democracy." And indeed, you cannot give the name of a fight for democracy to such actions as the banning of the Communist Party in France, the arrests of Communist deputies to the French parliament, or the curtailing of political liberties in England or unremitting national oppression in India, etc.
Is it not clear that the aim of the present war in Europe is not what it is proclaimed to be in official statements intended for the broad public in France and England. That is, it is not a fight for democracy but something else, of which these gentlemen do not speak openly.
The real cause of the Anglo-French war with Germany was not that Great Britain and France had vowed to restore the old Poland and not, of course, that they decided to undertake a fight for democracy. The ruling circles of Great Britain and France have, of course, other and more actual motives for going to war with Germany. These motives do not lie in any ideology but in their profoundly material interests as mighty colonial powers.
Great Britain, with a population of 47 million, possesses colonies with a population of 480 million. France, whose population does not exceed 42 million, is a colonial empire embracing a population of 70 million in the French colonies. The possession of these colonies, which makes possible the exploitation of hundreds of millions of people, is the foundation of the world supremacy of Great Britain and France. It is fear of Germany's claims to these colonial possessions that is at the bottom of the present war of Great Britain and France with Germany, who has grown substantially stronger of late as a result of the collapse of the Versailles Treaty. It is fear of losing world supremacy that dictates to the ruling: circles of Great Britain and France the policy of fomenting war with Germany.
Thus, the imperialist character of this war is obvious to anyone who wants to face realities and does not close his eyes to facts.
One can see from all this who is interested in this war, which is being waged for world supremacy. Certainly not the working class. This war promises nothing to the working class but bloody sacrifice and hardships.
Now judge for yourselves whether the meaning of such concepts as "aggression" and "aggressor" has changed recently or not. It is not difficult to see that the use of these words in their old meaning, that is, the meaning attached to them before the recent decisive turn in the political relations between the Soviet Union and Germany and before the outbreak of the great imperialist war in Europe, can only create confusion in people's minds and must inevitably lead to erroneous conclusions. To avoid this, we must not allow an uncritical attitude toward old concepts which are no longer applicable in the new international situation.
The relations between Germany and the other West European bourgeois states have in the past two decades been determined primarily by Germany's efforts to break the fetters of the Versailles Treaty, whose authors were Great Britain and France, with the active participation of the United States of America. This was what in the long run led to the present war in Europe. (STORMY APPLAUSE)

Posted on 7:10 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Sunday, 16 December 2007
Final Remarks on Esperanto and a Real Answer to a Rhetorical Question

At the risk of turning the fine wine of a good debate into the bitter vinegar of an overly contentious subject (Esperanto with 28 citations on the statistical information of The Iconoclast), allow me to make a final statement to those who still have an open mind.
Mary Jackson’s latest remark on the issue takes the form of a question which, as usual, she also provides an answer for - “Is there an Esperanto Thesaurus? Esperanto should not really need one should it?” This tag question, as most native English speakers are aware of, is simply a rhetorical question asking for confirmation of a statement or belief and not a real question. This rhetorical device however often causes confusion for foreign learners of the language. If she is asking a real question, it deserves an answer.
For those who are actually still seeking to learn more about Esperanto, let me address a few final remarks on the matter as a native American speaker of English who is multilingual and fluent in Spanish, Hebrew, Danish and Esperanto.
The latest edition of the most widely circulated and thorough Esperanto-Esperanto dictionary La Nova Plena Ilustrita Vortaro de Esperanto (The New PIV), also dubbed PIV2 (published in 2002 and already sold out) includes about 1,300 pages, 17,000 words and 47,000 lexical units. Many synonyms are mentioned in the definition of words and countless examples are given of how various grammatical and lexical devices are utilized in the form of prefixes, suffixes and infixes to alter the basic meaning of the root part of a word. I gave examples of this in my current December article “Why Esperanto is Different” as follows…..
Sano in Esperanto is the basic word for “health” and thus we have malsano (illness), sana (healthy), malsana (ill), saneco (healthiness), sane (healthily), sanilo (medicine), malsanulo (patient), sanulejo (health resort;) sanejo (health clinic), malsanulejo (hospital), sanigi (to cure) sanigi (to become well or recover), etc.
Knowing a single word for health (sano) enables the learner to immediately recognize the above twelve words according to their prefixes or suffixes and endings (o for all nouns, a for all adjectives and e for all adverbs).
There is no need for a separate Thesaurus as the speaker is perfectly capable of independently forming words according to the above schematic system. Yes, Esperanto also has synonyms like English that are based on a single word such as “bald” (kalva in Esperanto) and another that makes use of a specific descriptive ending attached to an independent word like “hairless“ (senhara in Esperanto). The prefix “sen” in Esperanto fulfils the same function as the ending -less in English to signify the lack of something speechless, mindless, fearless, etc.). English makes use of many of the same principles of word formation as Esperanto, the difference is one of degree and regularity. Esperanto is not a Stepford Wife and those who love her do not do so out of love of any theory but because they have found her to be so useful as well as attractive AND challenging.
I have written three books and more than 250 published articles and book reviews in English and a few dozen short articles in Spanish and Hebrew. Although I am fluent in these languages, I still make mistakes including in my own native language and even after proof-reading by friends, colleagues and my wife, have sometimes discovered an error in spelling, grammar or lack of clarity. This occurred much less frequently with the two short Esperanto plays and short articles I have had published.
In the book “La Bona Lingvo” by Claude Piron, whose five minute video Mary Jackson suggests (as I do) readers watch, to get an impression of the character of Esperanto, the following example by the author serves to illustrate how rich Esperanto is in synonyms. Piron names approximately 50 words and expressions in Esperanto for the equivalent French word timide (timid in English and timema in Esperanto), each one with its own nuance and amplified significance. I will analyze just one of the 50 to give the reader an idea of Esperanto’s richness and flexibility. One of the fifty synonyms is alfrontevitema. The reader immediately recognizes the root part of the word is alfront- signifying confrontation. The subsequent part of the word -evit- is the Esperanto root defining avoidance; em- is part of the final ending denoting tendency, quality, susceptibility and the final letter -a denotes an adjective. Without “thinking”, the Esperanto reader, even if he had never seen this word before can appreciate that its meaning has to do with fear some people are prone to when confronting issues and problems.
In an earlier reply to the repeated assertions that somehow Esperanto is not a living language, I made the comparison with Modern Hebrew and the Nynorsk language (one of two official languages in Norway) to show that all three were subject to exactly the same critical remarks in their early formative period of development. All three began as desk projects and were not the native, habitual or primary language of anyone. All three encountered the same criticism as Esperanto that they were “artificial”. Speakers of Yiddish mocked and satirized Eliezer ben-Yehuda and the woefully inadequate vocabulary of early Hebrew speakers in Palestine right up until the moment the British mandatory authorities recognized it an official language in 1921. Yiddish speaking visitors remarked that even in the 1920s, many Zionists promoting Hebrew lacked the necessary words for many essential objects and relations and spoke in a garbled, uncertain and “unnatural” way.
The same occurred in Norway where Ivar Aasen and his supporters had to find a “neutral” form for what they reconstructed and believed was the original Norwegian language that prevailed in the country before the Black Plague. Centuries of Danish rule had imposed a literary speech (Danish as spoken by educated Norwegians) and referred to it erroneously as “Norwegian“ something that many nationalists could not accept as the proper vehicle of expression and culture for their country and its aspirations to become an independent state.
All three are thriving today and two are the official languages of modern states - Israel and Norway.
Readers who would like to learn more about these and other language contradictions, revivals and conflicts are referred to my book “Nations, Language and Citizenship” (McFarland & Company, Inc. Jefferson, North Carolina and London. 2004. ISBN 0-7864-1710-2.)
Esperanto differs in that its speakers are not concentrated in a physical territory or defined by a common ethnicity. Many younger people today who are Esperanto speakers are NOT interested in the “Esperanto Movement” , propagandizing on its behalf or believe that the future of the language depends in any way on the long aspired goal of many idealists to achieve some form of international recognition. They are neither cranks nor idealists but continue to create an Esperanto culture that is shared around the world. They do so because they have found a vehicle of expression that they can shape that is largely free from the dominating influences of the major national languages.

Posted on 5:41 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Saturday, 8 December 2007
Esperanto Is A Living Language

Mary Jackson has kindly posted a video by Claude Piron, one of the most distinguished Esperanto authors, a psychologist and U.N. interpreter who is an outstanding linguist. I urge all NER readers to watch it in spite of Mary's apparent belief that it supports her arguments that trivialize and mock Esperanto and that readers should try to avoid giggling or falling asleep. I confidently leave it to all those who have not made up their minds about the issue on a-priori grounds to learn something valuable they were not aware of (at the risk of giggling or falling asleep). It takes about 5 minutes.
Mary claims that no one has answered her arguments that Esperanto is an artificial language that cannot change as normal living languages do.
To those who still persist in labeling Esperanto an "artificial" language, please let me explain that although devised, it is a living language as much as modern Hebrew or Nynorsk (one of the two official languages in Norway). One hundred and thirty years ago there was not a single native, primary or habitual speaker of any of these languages. They were "devised" by devoted linguists and deeply dedicated men convinced that Yiddish or Dano-Norwegian (the languages most commonly spoken by East European Jews and educated urban Norwegians respectively) could NOT serve as "national languages" - the vehicle embodying the culture, future national development and historical literature of these two peoples.
Eliezer Ben-Yehuda (instrumental in the development of modern Hebrew) and Ivar Aasen (pioneer of Nynorsk), like Zamenhof , struggled to draw upon the legacy of the past to formulate a new modern literary and spoken language. Esperanto differs only in that it is not the speech of a distinct nation or ethnic group but a self-chosen diaspora of those who use it for practical utilitarian purposes and for a minority as their chosen vehicle for the expression of a cosmopolitan culture enduring and maturing for the past 120 years..
All three languages - Esperanto, Modern Hebrew and Nynorsk are LIVING languages changing as a result of the usage of those who speak and write them. Each has had an "Academy" but it has been the daily decisions of speakers in contact through correspondence, visits, tours, seminars, conferences and the production of a massive literature and cultural creativity,, not the Academy, that have changed and developed each language, its idiomatic expressions and slang.

Posted on 7:22 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Thursday, 4 October 2007
Nazi-Arab Alliance in World War II

Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers’ Halbmond und Hakenkreuz. Das "Dritte Reich", die Araber und Palästina, (Crescent Moon and Swastika: The Third Reich, the Arabs, and Palestine) was published in September, 2006 and has yet to appear in English translation. It documents the Arab sympathies for Nazism, particularly in Palestine and German attempts to mobilize and encourage the Arabs with their ideology, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, and the forces around the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini,in Palestine.
Nazi radio broadcasts to the Arabs between 1939 and 1945 constantly proclaimed the natural German sympathy for the Arab cause against Zionism and the Jews. German Middle East experts stressed "the natural alliance" between National Socialism and Islam. And such experts as the former German Ambassador in Cairo, Eberhard von Stohrer, reported to Hitler in 1941 that "the Fuhrer already held an outstanding position among the Arabs because of his fight against the Jews."
Cüppers and Mallmann quote many original documents from the Nazi archives on this. From the late 1930s, the planning staffs dealing with the external affairs of the Reich in the Head Office of Reich Security (RSHA, Reichssecuritathauptamt: originally under the monstrous Gestapo-chief Reinhard Heydrich) sought to engulf the Arabian Peninsula and win control of the region‘s oil reserves. They dreamt of a pincer movement from the north via a defeated Soviet Union, and from the south via the Near East and Persia, in order to separate Great Britain from India.
Thanks to the counteroffensive of the Red Army before Moscow in 1941/1942 and at Stalingrad in 1942/1943, and the defeat of the German Africa Corps with El Alamein, the Germans never managed to actively intervene in the Middle East militarily although they helped spark a pro-Axis coup in Baghdad in 1941. At about the same time, Palestinian-Jewish volunteers, Free French Forces and the Australians helped rid Syria and Lebanon of the pro-Vichy Fascist regimes there.
The refusal to place the blame and ultimate responsibility for Arab flight from Palestine during 1947-48 squarely on the divided and corrupt Arab leadership itself should also be held up to scrutiny in the light of what the world has witnessed during the last five years of insurrection and guerilla war in Iraq, the fifteen year long civil war in Lebanon (1975-1990), atrocities against civilians by the Sudanese Muslim forces in Darfur, and the rival factions fighting for control in Algeria, Yemen, and Syria (“Black September“, The Muslim Brotherhood“),and similar conflicts between rival factions; mass atrocities, mutilations, indiscriminate killing, blackmail, arson, looting, and mass flight were and remain the norm in inter-Arab conflicts. The Arab civil population of Haifa and Jaffa realized long before April 1948 that their lives and property were in jeopardy from the poorly disciplined, irregular, and corrupt Arab forces as much as from the prospect of a Jewish military victory.
Dr. Herbert Pritzke was an escaped German prisoner of war who served as Chief Medical Officer for the Arab forces in Jaffa. His eyewitness account, Bedouin Doctor (Dutton, 1957) is the objective reporting of a foreign volunteer:
There was no discipline, no military police. no muster rolls, no list of personnel. No one ever knew who belonged to which unit or where the different units were. This incurable disorder was shamelessly exploited. Things happened as they were bound to happen under such leader-ship. By the end of April, the Jaffa front was completely disintegrated. The town was almost deserted. Less than a tenth of the 80,000 inhabitants remained in their homes, and even this remnant was trying by all means possible to get out of the town. Fear of their own bullying and cruel compatriots spurred them to leave home and property, not less than the imminent occupation of the town by the Jewish besiegers. Moreover, bandits, more dangerous than the occupying force, were roaming through the town singly and in groups robbing and murdering. It was clear that the depopulated and demoralized town must soon be overrun by the Jews.
We Germans, who met almost daily in my room in the hospital, found ourselves in a very precarious situation. As representatives of law and order, we could to some extent check the depredations of the bandits and looters, which did not make us popular with them. At the same time, we felt that we were hated by the embittered citizens because we could not save their town. If we managed to survive the final chaos, we could look forward to no prospect of future but captivity. The Arabs themselves no longer showed any keenness to fight for their country.
Dr. Pritzke makes no mention whatsover regarding Deir Yassin but bears out that from the beginning that it was a dirty, nasty little war fought at close quarters by intertwined populations and that at the outset of the war the Arab side possessed a clear superiority in fire power.

Posted on 4:56 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Wednesday, 15 August 2007
Still waiting...
Anyone waiting with bated breath for a BBC retraction or correction of announcer Lyse Ducett's horrendous hundredfold magnification of Lebanese dead in last summer's conflcit between Hizbollah and Israel ("100,000 , mostly civilians" as she astutely emphasized) in yesterday's (Aug. 14) 8:00 EST transmission of BBC-America would be dead by now. No retraction, No correction, No apology from the news gathering agency that continues to boast it is the most accurate in the world.
Anyone who still has a warm glowing positive recollection of the BBC from World War II's memories of the blitz and the noble RAF should remain locked in their time machine with the dial permanently set at 1939-45.
Posted on 1:04 PM by Norman Berdichevsky
Wednesday, 15 August 2007
Re: Nearer my Quetzalcoatl to thee
"Allah is a very beautiful word for God. Shouldn't we all say that from now on we will name God Allah? ... What does God care what we call him? It is our problem." --from the article linked by Robert here and commented on by Hugh here
Yes, this is a brilliant solution. After all, what's in a name? Didn't Shakespeare already say a rose any any other name would smell as sweet? True, but the corollary doesn't work.
A pile of sh-t called a rose would not smell as sweet. Calling the Eastern European Communist puppet states of the USSR "People's democracies" didn't make them that. Bishop Muskens will no doubt go down in Dutch history as how not to solve problems and face the real world as much as another Dutch - pseudo-hero, - "The Hero of Haarlem", the legendary Hans Brinker, the boy who supposedly put his finger in the dyke to prevent a flood.
Posted on 1:42 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

Tuesday, 14 August 2007
Bias at the BBC

The BBC continues to be a mindless apologist for Islamic outrage and often the severest critic of American and Israeli efforts to protect themselves from such outrages but this morning (Aug. 14, 2007) they outdid themselves by a an error of 100 x the real magnitude. You might like to look at this morning's 8:00 Am EST telecast of the news from the BBC-America where the news announcer without the slightest look of puzzlement or query.......
mentioned today as the first anniversary of last summer's cease-fire in Lebanon and that Hizbollah leader Nasrallah would deliver a major speech in Beirut today. She then reminded viewers that in... "that conflict, 100,000 Lebanese*, mostly civilians (sic ! and sick !), were killed;. Israel lost 187."
What this addition of two extra zeroes shows is not only the inherent bias of an institution that but that the so called "prestigious" announcers or commentators who work for the BBC have absolutely NO intrinsic knowledge of world events, but only read or misread the lines put in front of them.
* instead of 1,000

Posted on 1:07 PM by Norman Berdichevsky

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