Print this pagePrint this page.

Recent Publications by New English Review Authors
Not With a Bang But a Whimper: The Politics and Culture of Decline
by Theodore Dalrymple
In Praise of Prejudice: The Necessity of Preconceived Ideas
by Theodore Dalrymple
Defending The West:
by Ibn Warraq
Nations, Language and Citizenship:
by Norman Berdichevsky
Romancing Opiates
by Theodore Dalrymple
Which Koran?
by Ibn Warraq
Our Culture, What's Left of It
by Theodore Dalrymple
What The Koran Really Says
by Ibn Warraq
Life at the Bottom
by Theodore Dalrymple
The Origins of the Koran
by Ibn Warraq
Why I Am Not Muslim
by Ibn Warraq
Spanish Vignettes: An Offbeat Look Into Spain's Culture, Society & History
by Norman Berdichevsky
Leaving Islam
Edited by Ibn Warraq
Friday, 5 September 2008
Islam & Egyptian Politics

A report on Egyptian politics by the US Institute of Peace shows the growing sophistication and subtle use of language in the propaganda put forth by the Muslim Brotherhood. (hat tip: GMBDR):

Who Are the Secularists?

One of the biggest challenges in identifying the issues of contention between Islamists and secular opposition groups is finding precise definitions for "Islamist" and "secularist" in the context of Egyptian politics. Demarcating the boundaries within the so-called "Islamist" and "secular" communities, as well as the boundaries separating the two, is hotly debated inside the Egyptian political arena.

The "Islamist" camp, although easily identifiable to observers of Egypt’s domestic scene, contains a great deal of intellectual diversity. Of equal importance, "secular" remains a highly contested term. What is often described as the "secularist" camp consists of a diverse group of nationalist, socialist and liberal trends that differ on numerous issues, despite a shared adversarial relationship with Islamist groups. For many, the term "secular" is virtually nonexistent in Egypt. One participant remarked that all Egyptians, regardless of religion, recognize the nation’s Islamic cultural identity and history. It is unimaginable, therefore, that any Egyptian government, secular or not, would deny the country’s Islamic cultural heritage or cease its obligations toward the Arab and Muslim world. Even if Islam and the state can be separated, Islam and society cannot. In other words, Egypt’s Islamic identity will inevitably play a role in any democratic system that mirrors the values and culture of its own society. On the other hand, one participant adamantly rejected the assertion that secularism holds no relevance in Egypt, proclaiming that numerous Egyptian Muslims reject the role of religion in the state.

Has the Brotherhood Moderated its Position?

Responding to this criticism, a member of the MB stated that the group’s current positions do not contradict the basic principles of democracy. The MB, he added, views democracy as the best political system that Egypt could enjoy, rather than any reactionary form of governance. The Brotherhood is committed to pluralism both in Islam and in politics and has publicly recognized the freedom of expression and belief.

It was clear in the discussions that ensued that critics of the Brotherhood remain unconvinced. Some participants questioned whether such pro-democratic proclamations are sincere, while others suggested that the moderate views that some MB members expressed are not representative of the group’s true beliefs and intentions. The MB’s political platform (released in October 2007), which calls for the formation of a council of Islamic jurists that would review government policies, provoked fears that the Brotherhood has yet to accept genuinely the principles of democratic politics.

Alleging that this program is still a work in progress, an affiliate of the Brotherhood indicated that the proposed council is meant to take on a consultative rather than an authoritative role in decision-making. Despite these assurances, however, the suspicions aroused by the MB’s program have not been contained.

This emphasis on "consultation" is straight out of Bernard Lewis's recent work. He insists that Islam has traditionally used a consultative system and that this consultative system is perfectly compatible with democracy - or would spawn a "new brand of democracy."

Other MB actions in the recent past have contributed to the crystallization of mistrust between the Brotherhood and its non-Islamist counterparts. Last month the MB supreme guide implied in an interview that Osama Bin Laden is a legitimate freedom fighter. In another incident late last year supporters of the Brotherhood marched at Al-Azhar University in a training exercise that some participants compared to Hezbollah’s flamboyant military parades in Lebanon.

Such actions helped reinforce the perception that the Brotherhood’s moderate discourse is a smokescreen for its undemocratic intentions rather than an attempt to set forth a strategic vision based on peaceful democratic politics. Ambiguities in the MB’s positions on important questions such as the legitimacy of marriages between Muslim women and non-Muslim men and the conversion of Muslims to other religions deepen these suspicions.

Many participants expressed concern that advocates of moderation and peaceful coexistence inside the Brotherhood remain weak and marginalized. Notwithstanding the shift in its discourse, one opposition leader remarked, the MB remains a hierarchical organization in which members are taught to follow their leaders without question. This view, coupled with the MB’s own actions, continues to raise doubts in the minds of many Egyptian intellectuals and opinion-shapers about the Brotherhood’s openness to democratic rules.

Thus, there is little evidence that the ideological differences between Islamists and non-Islamist oppositions have been contained. Despite the Brotherhood’s attempts to proclaim moderate views on some contentious issues, secularists tend to perceive the MB’s messages as nebulous. This has strengthened the position of those who assert that the MB is not a viable partner to advocates of democracy, but rather a threat that must be contained...

Posted on 9:22 AM by Rebecca Bynum
Comments
No comments yet.
Announcing the First Annual
 New English Review Symposium
 Roots of the Arab-Israeli Conflict
& Strategies for the Future
May 29th & 30th
Loews Vanderbilt Plaza Hotel
Nashville, TN.
 
Speakers Include:
Richard L. Rubenstein
Ibn Warraq
Hugh Fitzgerald
Nidra Poller
Andrew Bostom
Rebecca Bynum
Norman Berdichevsky
Jerry Gordon
Bill Warner
& Brian of London
Most Recent Posts at The Iconoclast
Search The Iconoclast
Enter text, Go to search:
The Iconoclast Posts by Author
The Iconoclast Archives
sun mon tue wed thu fri sat
     1 2 3
4 5 6 7 8 9 10
11 12 13 14 15 16 17
18 19 20 21 22 23 24
25 26 27 28 29 30 31

RSS Site Feed
RSS Feed