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Recent Publications by New English Review Authors
In Praise of Prejudice: The Necessity of Preconceived Ideas
by Theodore Dalrymple
Defending The West:
by Ibn Warraq
Nations, Language and Citizenship:
by Norman Berdichevsky
Romancing Opiates
by Theodore Dalrymple
Which Koran?
by Ibn Warraq
Our Culture, What's Left of It
by Theodore Dalrymple
What The Koran Really Says
by Ibn Warraq
Life at the Bottom
by Theodore Dalrymple
The Origins of the Koran
by Ibn Warraq
Why I Am Not Muslim
by Ibn Warraq
Spanish Vignettes: An Offbeat Look Into Spain's Culture, Society & History
by Norman Berdichevsky
Leaving Islam
Edited by Ibn Warraq
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Lebanon's Sunni-Shi'a War

Lebanon is being torn apart by the Sunni-Shi'a conflict that began with the succession battle following the death of Muhammad in the 7th Century. The viciousness of the conflict is put down to its being a civil war by this reporter, but this kind of viciousness is typical of Muslim conflicts across time and space. From the BBC:

...The wave of the displaced [Shi'a] washed into the Druze mountains [after the Israeli assault on Hezbollah two years ago], into non-Shia parts of Beirut, and other areas which the Israelis were not hitting. Many people from other communities dropped everything to help.

Haitham Dabbara, a 35-year-old lawyer, mobilised his friends to raise funds and buy supplies, bedding and medicines. He took them to the schools and other public buildings where the Shia refugees were sheltering.

Haitham himself was a Sunni but that did not matter to him. He was an idealist who wanted to help the innocent victims of war.

You have probably noticed by now that I am speaking about Haitham in the past tense.

Last Thursday, just minutes after the Hezbollah chief, Hassan Nasrallah, had finished delivering a fiery television address, his militant Shia fighters unleashed a devastating offensive in the Sunni areas of west Beirut.

One of the worst-hit areas was Ras al-Nabaa, where Haitham's family home was. Haitham and his parents decided to escape to the mountains for safety.

As they crossed a main road controlled by Hezbollah and its allies, a rocket-propelled grenade was fired at his car. It ripped off the back of his head, and that of his mother, Amal. They died instantly.

The bodies were taken to hospital. Haitham's younger brothers, Ra'id and Ayman, were somewhere else at the time. They were told their mother and brother had been hurt, so they tried to get to the hospital.

As they crossed the main road, fighters from a militia allied to Hezbollah checked their ID cards and waved them through. They then opened fire and shot them in the back.

Ra'id was hit in the spine. He may be paralysed for life. Ayman was hit in the stomach. He should recover. They are both in hospital.

There is something about civil war that brings out a viciousness rarely found in conventional combat. And it was not all one-sided.

The Druze leader, Walid Jumblatt, admitted his followers had mutilated the bodies of two captured Hezbollah fighters.

And Hezbollah TV showed some bloodcurdling footage, taken on a mobile phone, of Saad Hariri's Sunni followers lynching about a dozen members of a Syrian-backed group allied to Hezbollah in the north of the country.

Not open-ended, not everywhere at the same time, but the flames of political and sectarian strife erupted in one place after another.

As tensions spread, Shias were pitted against Sunnis, Sunnis against Alawites, Druze against Shias, and so on, stirring ancient passions and vendettas, and creating new ones which will be hard to stifle.

The army commander, General Michel Suleiman, who everyone agrees should be the country's next president, circulated a message to his officers, some of whom wanted to resign.

What's happened, he said, is a real civil war that no national army in the world could confront without disintegrating. His army was under massive strain.

He only managed to hold the army together by the huge compromise of having it stand by and watch, as Hezbollah and an unruly collection of allied militias stormed the streets of west Beirut. Hezbollah, he knows, is far stronger than the army or any other faction in the land.

Had he confronted it, not only would he have lost but the army would probably have broken up on sectarian lines, as it did during the civil war of the 70s and 80s...

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