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Does Sudan deserve to have US Sanctions Lifted?
By Lt. Gen. (ret.) Abakar M. Abdallah , Jerome B. Gordon and Deborah P. Martin (October 2017)
ISBN: 978-0-692-94539-1, 09/20/17, by JAD Publishing
The evidence contained in a just released book Genocide in Sudan: Caliphate threatens Africa and the World, by Lt. General Abakar M. Abdullah, Jerome B. Gordon and Deborah P. Martin presents a powerful resounding answer of "NO!"
Friday, September 22, 2017 Sudan President Bashir's armed forces and Rapid Support Force/Janjaweed militias fired on crowds of protesting displaced Darfuri citizens at the Kalma Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) Camp. The toll of the massacre was 5 dead, over 25 wounded and six kidnapped and presumed missing. It was the grisly culmination of a week of protests by displaced Darfuri against the visits at IDP camps throughout Darfur by President Bashir. Behind the staged visits by Bashir was the sinister plot to further disperse these angry Darfuri protesters already displaced from their origin villages by the regime's Rapid Support Force/Janjaweed militias that forced them into 65 Internally Displaced Persons camps and left virtually unprotected by impotent UNAMID forces.
WATCH this video of indicted war criminal President Bashir's Rapid Support Force/Janjaweed militia celebrating the massacre at the Kalma IDP camp in Darfur with indiscriminate fire from heavily armed Toyota pickup trucks 'technicals' before they return to base.
Bashir's record of continual genocide in Sudan
Sudan President Omar al-Bashir and leaders of the National Congress Party were indicted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes, crimes against humanity and are still subject to arrest warrants issued in 2009 and 2010. Here are key conclusions in this timely and important book:
In the run up to the October 12th deadline for lifting 20 years of US sanctions, Genocide in Sudan presents a veritable dossier of evidence as well as suggested policy initiatives for the consideration of Congress and the Trump Administration.
This book is must read for all Human Rights advocates, Congressional Committees and the staff of the Trump National Security Council concerned about US policies on Sudan and its Genocide of indigenous African people backed by Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait.
Spanish essayist, philosopher and poet George Santayana’s often-cited quote, “those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it,” is apt in addressing the conundrum of stopping genocide in Sudan.
That is illustrated by the prescient exchanges between one of the authors of this volume, Lt. Gen Abakar M. Abdallah and Dr. Sebastian Gorka in both 2010 and 2017.
In 2010, Abdallah had met Gorka at a regional reunion of international graduates of the National Defense University (NDU) in Nairobi, Kenya. At the time, Gorka was a member of the NDU faculty. Abdallah discussed with Gorka how might the population of Darfur be protected against both Bashir regime Janjaweed militia and Lord’s Resistance Army terrorists. Gorka suggested the possibility of using ‘contractors’ to protect vulnerable populations in Internally Displaced Person camps supplanting the ineffective UNAMID protection forces that had been co-opted by the Bashir regime. Abdallah told him the ill-trained and equipped UNAMID force was no match for the heavily armed and equipped Janjaweed militias trained by the Khartoum regime to conduct military operations supported by the Sudanese Army and Air Force.
Fast forward to May 2017, when co-author Gordon forwarded a memo to Gorka from Abakar on the deteriorating status in Sudan based on findings discussed throughout this volume. Gorka was then Deputy Assistant to President Trump. Gorka was prompted to respond by recollection of his 2010 discussion with Abakar in Nairobi and indicated to Gordon that he forwarded the memo to presumably the National Security Council.
Notwithstanding, Gorka’s recent leave-taking from his Presidential aide post, what Abakar concluded in the May 2017 memo frames the basis of recommendations presented in this book.
Abakar stated that the conflict in Sudan is not simply one portrayed in the media as involving an internal dispute between two parties, the Bashir regime and resistance movements. Rather, it involves multiple parties; (1) the indigenous African peoples and original citizens of Darfur and the other conflict zones; 2) the replacement Arab settlers that the Bashir regime brought in from foreign countries that comprise the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed militia; and 3) the Bashir regime and an Arab cabal that financially supports it, i.e., Saudi Arabia and the emirates of Qatar, Kuwait and the UAE.
The worst of these offenders in the Arab cabal is Qatar. Besides funding, it has supplied weapons and involved Sudan as a Muslim Brotherhood ally seeking to destabilize adjacent governments in Libya, Chad and the Central African Republic. That has materially assisted the Bashir regime in completing its secret Arab Coalition Plan building a 150,000-man jihadist army based on the RSF/Janjaweed militia model seeking to create a Caliphate ruling the Sahel region from Khartoum.
On January 13, 2017, former President Obama issued Executive Order No. 13761 temporarily lifting 20-years of sanctions against the regime of International Criminal Court-indicted President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan. Allegedly, it was because of progress in several tracks, among them human rights, counterintelligence about fugitive Joseph Kony of the Lord’s Resistance Army and peaceful settlement of the regime’s conflicts with several Sudan resistance groups in Darfur, Nuba Mountains, and the Blue Nile State.
The Presidential order left it to incoming President Trump to respond by July 12, 2017 with a determination about permanently lifting the sanctions. President Trump issued a new Executive order on the evening of July 11th deferring that decision until October 12, 2017. Prior to issuing the new executive order, all 53 members of the US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee sent a letter to President Trump. These Representatives suggested, based on the lack of clear evidence indicating that the five tracks are respected, the sanctions should be maintained. Further, that a new Special Envoy to Sudan and South Sudan be appointed to investigate representations of progress in Sudan. Therefore, any decision should be deferred for at least a year.
The Evidence presented in this book calls for action
Sudan Liberation Movement [SLM] leader, Abdul Wahid al-Nour, in an exchange with former US Special Envoy Donald Booth said the Bashir regime had calumniously convened national dialogues after signing and ultimately breaking peace accords with Sudanese resistance groups. Following the breakup of such agreements, it resorted to intensified genocidal ethnic cleansing against indigenous African peoples.
The Bashir regime created a web of deception reflected in secret documents, including a captured Arab Coalition Plan revealed in this book, to complete genocidal ethnic cleansing of indigenous black African peoples with their replacement by Arab settlers by 2020.
Its duplicity in feigning compliance with the five tracks of Executive Order 13761 was illustrated in the Secret Minutes of the National Political Crisis Committee. The table talk revealed it had purposely misled the Obama Administration regarding alleged counterintelligence information on the whereabouts of the notorious fugitive Joseph Kony of the Lord’s Resistance Army. In fact, a co-author, General Abakar M. Abdallah, had provided that information to USAFRICOM, which did not return acknowledgment.
That web of deception is further illustrated by the Bashir regime engaging in a sinister disarmament program feigning recapture of arms from these defenseless indigenous African peoples with fake photo-ops only to instead unleash Rapid Support Force/ Janjaweed militias to ethnically cleanse and destroy hundreds of villages, expropriate properties and animal herds, rape women, kill men and forcibly recruit youths into cruel military service.
The Arab Coalition Plan detailed the strategy of replacing the indigenous population with Arabs the regime brings in from foreign countries. The regime’s overall strategy is to recruit 150,000 men drawn from Arab tribes and jihadists from across the Sahel region of Africa and Islamic State fighters from the Middle East. The objective is to create a new Caliphate ruled under Sharia Supremacism from Khartoum backed by billions of dollars in weapons and grants from across the Arab League. Further, the authors reveal that Qatar and Sudan have engaged in the overthrow of regimes in neighboring Libya, Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR). The Sudan human toll under Bashir speaks for itself: over 600,000 dead, about 5 million internally displaced and several hundred thousand who have fled to UN refugee camps in Chad, CAR, and elsewhere.
The threat to the US and the world is reflected in efforts by the regime to proselytize its Muslim Brotherhood Salafist Supremacist doctrine abroad. In late January 2017, it was reported that Bashir had deployed a number of Sudanese Sheiks to Mosques in the US. The Qatar Foundation is funding a K-12 Arabic language and culture program in public schools here in America.
The track record of the Bashir Regime in Terms of the UN Convention against Genocide
The United Nations adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide on December 9, 1948, implemented January 12, 1951. Let us examine Sudan’s violations of the Convention’s Articles:
The Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and punish.
In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
The following acts shall be punishable:
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
(d) Attempt to commit genocide;
(e) Complicity in genocide.
Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals (President Bashir has been indicted in both 2003 and 2009 for Crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court at the Hague and evidence revealed in this volume presents that he plans on continuing that behavior.)
Camel in the Master’s Tent
There is a folk tale told in Sudan about a Master who owned a camel that is the underpinning for strategies used by the Khartoum regime. The Master tied his camel outside his tent. One cold night the camel decided he must do something to get warm. So, he put his nose under the edge of the tent, but that was not warm enough. The Master had not noticed and so the camel pushed in until his neck was under the tent. Slowly but surely, the camel pushes in without the Master noticing until the Master is pushed out of the tent door into the cold. The camel had now taken his place inside the warm tent. This is a folk tale illustrating Khartoum’s Arab Coalition Plan strategy for taking over every village, the country, the Sahel and possibly the world.
The ‘Islamo-Arab’ Coalition, as Wahid Abdel al-Nour called it in his letter to previous US Special Envoy to Sudan, Donald Booth, has been moving into the ‘Sudan tent’ since the 1881 declaration of Sharia law in Sudan. From the Mahdi of that era until today the Khartoum government especially since the 1950’s has been continually pursuing a policy of ‘finishing’ off the indigenous African resistance, committing genocide against indigenous African people. The US may be on the verge of abetting that objective, if it permanently lifts sanctions against the political Islamist regime of President Omar Ahmad Hassan al-Bashir.
As discussed in this volume the Bashir political Islamic regime in Khartoum will never countenance the free democratic non-Sharia Law option that the US espouses. As depicted in this volume the Bashir regime wants nothing to do with the US to promote this parallel universe of rule by secular law.
It uses Islamic cultural strategies and Sharia doctrine to deceive the US and West in all negotiations.
It conveys in secret documents the completion of genocidal ethnic cleansing of indigenous African peoples by 2020, replacing them with Arab tribes and foreign Islamic Mujahideen including former ISIS fighters.
It pursues an active alliance with Muslim Brotherhood supporters like Qatar, and even extremist Shia Iran, seeking the destabilization and overthrow of adjacent African countries in the Sahel region. The objective is to create a Caliphate ruled under Sharia from Khartoum pursuing the Islamic Revolutionary Vision of world domination.
What the people in Sudan deserve is a country free from tyranny and deception. The US was committed after World War II to stop genocide by any means and never let it happen again, especially by pretending it does not exist. Real goals, not laced with deception, are what need to be determined by the US in the case of Sudan. Otherwise, the US may be abetting genocide by Sudan intent on creating a future Caliphate across the Sahel in Africa, a threat to the world.
Herewith are our suggested actions:
Three former US Administrations—Clinton, Bush II and Obama-have failed to engage in what both former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Susan Rice and Pulitzer Prize winning author of A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide, US UN Ambassador Samantha Power advocated, which was ‘robust humanitarian means’ to prevent or arrest genocide in Africa, whether in Rwanda or Sudan.
Now, it is the turn of the Trump Administration to address the continuing genocide with the threat of creating a future Salafist Supremacist Caliphate as foretold in 1881 by Mohammed Mahdi and propounded by his progeny down to the current generation in Khartoum. We will soon see if the lessons of history are a guidepost for positive actions. If not grasped, then genocide followed by a new Caliphate may rise threatening the Sahel region of Africa and potentially the world.
Lt. Gen. Abdallah is Chairman of the Sudan Unity Movement. He is a native of North Darfur who joined the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) in 1984 and became active in the Nuba Mountains and Darfurians resistance movements. In 1989 he joined the Patriotic Salvation Movement in neighboring Chad based in Darfur. He served as an officer in the Chadian army for 23 years. He held senior intelligence and counterterrorism posts including as Coordinator of the Multi-National Joint Task Force of Nigeria, Chad and Niger. He was Coordinator of Pan-Sahel Initiative (PSI) Anti-Terrorism Unit of Chad and Commander of PSI Anti-Terrorism Battalion of Chad 2004. He is a December 2002 graduate of the Intelligence Officers’ Advanced and Combating Terrorism Courses, US Army Intelligence Center and Schools, Fort Huachuca, Arizona. He was a Counter Terrorism Fellow and a Graduate of the College of International Security Affairs, National Defense University, Washington, DC, 2005. He was an International Fellow and Graduate of the US Army War College, Class of 2008. He was Graduate of Nigeria Armed Forces Command and Staff College Course 22, of the year 2000.
Jerome B Gordon is a Senior Vice President of the New English Review and author of The West Speaks, NER Press 2012. Mr. Gordon is a former US Army intelligence officer who served during the Viet Nam era. He was the co-host and co-producer of weekly The Lisa Benson Show for National Security that aired out of KKNT960 in Phoenix Arizona from 2013 to 2016. He is co-host and co-producer of the Middle East Round Table periodic series on 1330amWEBY, Northwest Florida Talk Radio, Pensacola, Florida.
Deborah Martin is a 36-year veteran linguistics specialist and consultant on Sudan culture and affairs. She is a long-term American Sudan human rights advocate having lived in both North and South Sudan conducting development projects as a professional engineer and linguist in a team with her late husband. She has worked on research linguistics of Jieeng, Nuer, Bari, Jumjum, Masalit, Nubian, Luwo, Reel, Madi and Moro. She has also successfully designed, implemented and led culturally appropriate large and small conferences, seminars and workshops for Sudanese and South Sudanese participants.
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