According to the video clip recorded and released on social media by the Vice President of TMC and Former RSF/Janjaweed Commander, General Mohamed Hamdan Dogolo (Hemeti), he said that former President Bashir told them in a meeting that in the Maliki school of Islamic law (Sharia) that allegedly there is a fatwa that authorizes the ruler to kill one third of the people to allow him to rule the remaining two thirds of the population. According to Hemeti in the video, Bashir said that for some radical extremist fatwas; one can kill half of population and rule the other half.
It was alleged that General Awad Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Auf, subsequently ousted from the TMC, proposed in one of their meetings to kill one hundred thousand protesters in order to disperse them. Based on these discussions Bashir ordered the NISS Director Salah Gosh to execute the plan, but he refused. Then Bashir ordered Hemeti, but he also refused to order his troops to kill protesters. Finally, Bashir had no other option but to hand over power to Auf. However, he remained working behind the curtain of the TMC, until he was arrested on April 11th, and Auf was ousted the following day.
Earlier, Russian M-Invest, part of “Putin’s Chef’s” Prigozhin’s empire had deployed “green men’ security contractors to protect Bashir. He had made suggestions regarding how to deal with the protesters. CNN investigations revealed their recommendations and Bashir’s failure to act them. AAWSAT.com reported:
Sources in Khartoum have told CNN that Bashir's government did try to begin implementing some of M-Invest's plans.
For example, it began detaining students from the Darfur region and accused them of trying to foment civil war—one of the ploys recommended by M-Invest. The sources say Russian advisers from a private company were placed in several ministries and the National Intelligence Service.
But it was too little, too late.
In a letter to Bashir, drafted on March 17, Prigozhin complained that the Sudanese government's "inaction" had "provoked the intensification of the crisis." And he added, with unknowing prescience: "The lack of active steps by the new government to overcome the crisis is likely to lead to even more serious political consequences."
Another letter from Prigozhin, dated April 6, praised the longtime Sudanese ruler as a "wise and far-sighted leader" but urged immediate economic reforms to solve the crisis.
Five days later, Bashir was deposed.
Salah Gosh, Bashir’s Spymaster, who resigned on April 13th because his fake news strategy opposing the protests failed. He had suggested that Darfuri students were behind it. The ironic cry from massed protesters surrounding Army headquarters was, “we are all Darfuri”. Salah didn’t escape the scythe of retribution as reported in this BBC disclosure on NISS detention and torture of Darfuri students—the targets of Prigozhin’s M-invest memo to Bashir on how to deal with the protesters. They had been falsely accused by Gosh of being Israeli -trained saboteurs.
Note this excerpt from the BBC report:
Nearly a week before the press conference, John was staying at a house rented by a group of Darfuri students at Sennar University that had been closed due to the protests.
John described what happened to him on the morning of 23 December. "There were 30 of us having our breakfast when three Toyota pickup trucks without number plates showed up. They arrested us and...took us to the NISS premises in Sennar state."
They were tortured, and later sent to an intelligence office near Khartoum's Shendi bus station.
Kept apart, but arrested under remarkably similar circumstances, was another group of Darfuri students from Khartoum and Alzaiem Alazhari universities. The students were held captive in cramped conditions and subjected to torture, according to multiple sources who spoke to the BBC. A detainee who was imprisoned alongside them recounted the torture methods in detail, and said that a PVC hose, made rigid with a stick, was used to make the beatings more painful.
One of the students from the University of Khartoum described to the BBC how their interrogators accused them of making petrol bombs, or Molotov cocktails. In fact, he claimed: "It was the first time I had ever seen a Molotov."
At one point, John claims that Salah Gosh, the Director General of NISS who resigned after the 11 April coup, came to the prison in person to ask if the students were being tortured. After he left, John says that those who said they hadn't been mistreated were left alone, but any who said they were being tortured were beaten again.
Salah Gosh was forced out of his post as Head of the Security Services on 13 April, after pressure from the protesters.
John said, "they observed which of us was most afraid of torture", and that the security services took a group of the younger students away. Afterwards, they told John that they had been electrically-tortured and water-boarded, then instructed to give a statement to a camera.
Such were the malevolent plans of the NCP Muslim Brotherhood clique that deposed one another unable to contend with now tens of millions of Sudanese protesting seeking to ouster the TMC and replace it with an interim civilian government.