The Art of Knowing When to Speak

Getting your Trinity Audio player ready...

by Theodore Dalrymple (December 2025)

The Conversation (Édouard Vuillard, 1891)

 

Advocates of free speech, of which I count myself one, often refer to self-censorship disparagingly, as if it were an evil in all circumstances. They cite as evidence of the atmosphere of intellectual terror in which we now live surveys in which students or academics say that they have self-censored on controversial subjects.

I do not deny that such an atmosphere exists—although perhaps terror is too strong a word, possibly self-pitying or self-exculpatory, for it, given the truly terrifying regimes that have existed in history and still exist around the world. There is always a temptation to use the strongest possible rhetorical term for what we decry, in an attempt to demonstrate how deeply we feel, but it is intellectually irresponsible to do so, for it leaves us wordless in the face of the very worst.

The misuse of the word genocide, for example, is particularly egregious. I think its use as a designation of slaughter should be confined to the deliberate extermination, either successful or attempted, of an entire ethnic group, or a group that is believed to be ethnically distinct, within a territory. It is a crime of relatively infrequent occurrence, at least by comparison with other mass crimes, obvious examples being the Holocaust and the killing of the Tutsis in Rwanda.

Nothing human is entirely clear-cut, however. For example, should the killing of whites under the orders of Dessalines in Haiti in the wake of the first successful slave revolt in history count as a genocide? Perhaps the reason it is not generally included in the list is that it involved relatively small numbers (5000 at most) and is felt to have been a psychologically explicable and morally justifiable act of revenge for generations of hideously cruel usage. It is true that Polish soldiers who had initially been sent to Haiti to serve in the Napoleonic attempt to regain and retain control of the slave colony, but who had changed sides and joined the rebels, were excluded from Dessalines’ order to kill all whites, as were Germans who had never played any part in the slave trade. But, to have killed 90 per cent of an identifiable ethnic minority—including women and children—must be very near to genocide. As to its supposed justification, when the left-wing British publisher Victor Gollancz, who was himself Jewish and therefore an unlikely sympathiser with Nazism, heard people say immediately after the end of the Second World War that the Germans deserved their near starvation, he replied, ‘And the children?’ French children were not exempted from Dessalines’ order.

But to return to the question of self-censorship. As Doctor Johnson put it, he who will attend to the motions of his own mind, or at any rate to the contents of his own mind, will soon realise that self-censorship is a precondition of any possible civilised social life. The way to be a bore, said Voltaire, is to say everything; one might add that it is also the way to be a boor.

Complete and universal frankness would be a nightmare, and disinhibition—a condition in which people no longer filter their thoughts or actions through a necessary mesh of social convention—is not generally regarded as desirable. The garrulous drunk, the person rendered voluble by excitatory drugs or endogenous illness, is not usually taken as a model to follow, quite the reverse. And even the person who is not drunk, or under the influence of drugs, or mentally deranged by illness, but who habitually says the first thing that comes into his head, is regarded not so much as honest as ill-mannered. We would not confide secrets to a person who felt under a Kantian obligation always to blurt out the truth if asked a question about those secrets. Our ability to trust one another depends on our perceived powers of self-censorship.

It is an ineradicable feature of civilised social life that discussions that are appropriate in one circumstance are not appropriate in another. For example, I am not in the slightest religious—though I do not go quite as far as Machiavel, the personage who is the prologue in Christopher Marlowe’s play, The Jew of Malta, who says ‘I count religion but a childish toy/ And hold there is no sin but ignorance’ —but when I meet a religious person I do not at once launch into my reasons for not believing in God, or point to what I think are the contradictions of any given religious doctrine. This is not only because I think that religious people, provided they are not theocrats, tend to be better people than the irreligious, at least in our present irreligious society, but because there is more to good social relations than putting one’s philosophical cards constantly on the table. Opinion, if I may offer one, is an overestimated component of a person’s character; other aspects are more important, and taste is as least as important. Indeed, people are often more divided by taste than by opinion, though if surveys are to be believed, people are less tolerant of differences of opinion than they were within living memory, or even than they were two or three decades ago.

Here let me digress once more, this time on to the subject of tolerance, the nature of which many people misunderstand. They think that tolerance implies refusal to make a judgment, and requires what they call non-judgmentalism, but this is an obvious mistake. Everyone, presumably, can tolerate what he approves of or is indifferent towards; tolerance requires a willingness to judge adversely, or it would not be necessary. One tolerates what one dislikes, not what one likes; and therefore, toleration is the willing suspension of our natural inclination to try to suppress or even punish what we dislike. Some people, of course, find such suspension easier than do others, partly as a matter of temperament and partly as a matter of deliberate self-control informed by philosophical reasoning, which then becomes habitual with them. A tolerant person is not a person who is indifferent to everything, but one who has made, by practice and repetition, the limitation of the expression of his dislike or disapproval part of his character.

When to self-censor and when to let rip, so to speak, is always a matter of judgment, and judgment is fallible. Restraint is pusillanimity in one situation, but politeness in another. How one discusses a subject with an interlocutor—what language to use, how forceful and uncompromising to be, what euphemisms, if any, to employ, what amount of humour, irony or contempt to express, and so forth—depends, or ought depend, on social circumstances. If humankind cannot bear too much reality, neither can many people bear too much plain speaking: and if nothing much hangs on a conversation, the avoidance of giving offence is an important consideration.

There is no hard and fast rule about when it is permissible—morally permissible, that is, not legally permissible—to cause offence by what one says. A blanket legal permission, such as that offered by the First Amendment, does not end the question, unless you take the incipiently totalitarian view that legal permissibility is the only kind of permissibility that there is. It is true that some people say, in defending their bad behaviour, ‘There is no law against it,’ but they generally do not pause to consider the corollary, that they have outsourced the criteria of all moral judgment to the legislature.

There can be no freedom of expression without the freedom to give offence, which is not the same as saying that knowingly to give offence, without good reason for doing so, is admirable or good in itself (except, possibly, in circumstances of overwhelming social complacency, when giving offence acts like the stirring of a pot in which, without it, a dish would burn). There can, of course, be no such freedom as freedom from offence, because such a freedom would prevent us from saying anything whatever, at least in public, since anyone can at any time claim to be offended by anything. Indeed, taking offence is a little like appetite which grows with feeding: and where there are advantages, social, psychological, legal and even economic, to taking offence, people will quickly turn themselves into eggshell.

Not only is there no right to be protected from the offence that you take yourself, but I would say that there is a duty to restrain the offence that you take, and to try to make it proportionate to its cause, as punishment should be proportionate to the crime. This is in fact very difficult to do: as a matter of empirical fact, I am more genuinely angry at the delay to my train than at a bomb outrage on the other side of the world, though I have no doubts as to which of the two is the more serious, morally speaking.

I doubt that I am unique in this: it is a consequence of the limitation of the human mind and emotions. This being the case, it seems to me that we have a duty to be wary, or even suspicious, of our own tendency to outrage, all the more so since outrage is so gratifying an emotion, deluding us (often) into supposing that we thereby prove our generosity of spirit and concern for others.

Again, this is not to say that outrage is never justified, that we should accept everything with a Buddha-like calm. Anger and outrage can be generous, and I think here of Orwell’s essay on Charles Dickens, when Orwell tries at the end to imagine Dickens’s face:

 

He is laughing, with a touch of anger in his laughter, but no triumph, no malignity. It is the face of a man who is always fighting against something, but who fights in the open and is not frightened, the face of a man who is generously angry—in other words, of a nineteenth-century liberal, a free intelligence, a type hated with equal hatred by all the smelly little orthodoxies which are now contending for our souls.

 

Notwithstanding the possibility of generous anger, we must always be aware of anger’s self-reinforcing quality, and the pleasure it may give us.

There are many reasons for biting one’s tongue. In totalitarian dictatorships, biting one’s tongue—not revealing to the authorities all that one knows about someone’s political disaffection is regarded as a crime, but doing so may be an act of heroism.

It has become a rule of medical ethics that doctors should tell their patients the truth, and no doubt on most occasions it is right for them to do so. Nevertheless, the doctor is under an obligation to do what he thinks is in the best interest of his patient, which may not be to tell him the unvarnished truth, certainly not that, for example, he is testing his blood, inter alia, for syphilis because there is a faint possibility that his condition is attributable to that disease – a suspicion that might very well offend or alarm, and might destroy trust. A doctor’s estimate of his patient’s capacity to bear the truth can be mistaken, but as Hippocrates said some time ago, the art is long, life is short, the occasion fleeting and judgment difficult. He who wants invariable rules such as when to speak one’s mind and when not to do so is a person who cannot stand the inevitable complexity of human existence. At no time are we free of the need to exercise (or not) self-censorship.

Shakespeare knew this. It is necessary even in the most intimate of relations, indeed is almost a precondition of any successful intimacy. Sonnet 138 expresses this perfectly:

 

When my love swears that she is made of truth,
I do believe her, though I know she lies,
That she might think me some untutored youth,
Unlearnèd in the world’s false subtleties.
Thus vainly thinking that she thinks me young,
Although she knows my days are past the best,
Simply I credit her false-speaking tongue:
On both sides thus is simple truth suppressed.
But wherefore says she not she is unjust?
And wherefore say not I that I am old?
Oh, love’s best habit is in seeming trust,
And age in love loves not to have years told.
____Therefore I lie with her and she with me,
____And in our faults by lies we flattered be.

 

It is not self-censorship that it is wrong; it is self-censorship for the wrong reasons that is wrong.

 

Table of Contents

 

Theodore Dalrymple’s latest books are Neither Trumpets nor Violins (with Kenneth Francis and Samuel Hux) and Ramses: A Memoir from New English Review Press.

Follow NER on Twitter @NERIconoclast

image_pdfimage_print

9 Responses

  1. “The misuse of the word genocide” a the present time can only refer to the allegation made against Israel in Gaza. This, of course, is not an example of the use of “the strongest possible rhetorical term for what we decry, in an attempt to demonstrate how deeply we feel”.

    Created by the regime in South Africa, which has charges of genocide of its own to answer, and promoted by the ICJ, it is an internationally crafted use of the term to attack the Jewish state with the most powerful weapon in the antisemite’s arsenal to represent the Palestinians as the new Jews and Jews as the new Nazis.

    In other words, it’s not a rhetorical term employed for effect, but a lie, a deliberate inversion of reality in which the Palestinians are seeking to enact a real genocide on the Jews of Israel.

    1. The “Genocide” lie isn’t a debate over facts—it’s a coldly orchestrated political weapon: funded, coordinated, and laser-focused on forcing one toxic smear-word into every mouth, every headline, every official statement, through endless online swarms and staged street theater.

      The Genocide Lie

      (Dec 5, 2025)
      https://archive.is/AKRJJ

      1. Yes, and what also needs to be said is that the lie has been allowed to fester by governments and those in the media , who take every opportunity not to denounce it, by their inaction encouraging attacks on Jews.

        In a word, it has become the modern blood libel, used by the cowardly and corrupt to channel hatred against those least able to defend themselves, even as Hamas is gearing up to commit atrocities on European soil:

        https://www.algemeiner.com/2025/12/09/hamas-expands-european-reach-posing-high-likelihood-terror-attack-next-six-months-intelligence-report-warns/

  2. Democide perpetrated by demoniacs.
    Choose the cohort harmed, as you please, as your psychotic state dictates.

  3. The force of your argument, Theodore, is rivaled only by the elegance of its presentation. Reading your stuff is just downright fun.

  4. NOTE: I’m not into Taylor Swift, but the latest attacks on her are ugly. It reveals again the racist radical left (Islamist-Marxist Axis) when they speak about bigotry.The two setting off latest attack first had problems with her, accusing her of being “MAGA.”

    * Brookie @Brooke_816 (Joined March 2024) -<
    Brookie👁️ @Brooke_816 : Dec 10, 2025:

    This entire article research & produced by Swifties. This is a Taylor Swift PR by Georgia Paul (a Swiftie) working for GUDEA. She’s trying to reaffirm another victim narrative for Tay. ONLY 4% were bots, 96% were real people having discourse about her obvi MAGA affiliation.

    __
    Setmeoff7 promoting MAGA accusation on Swift 01.26.24

    * Setmeoff7 (Joined March 2024)-
    setmeoff7: Jan 26, 2025: “taylor with her maga bff”.

    Setmeoff7 promoting MAGA accusation on Swift 01.26.25

    A month after tweeting (12.25.24) on Travis Kelce “ugly”.
    (If that is not a giveaway… onnthe MAFA accusation… simply being white)

    And of course: anti Jewish racism.

    On June 2, 2025, this Brookie @Brooke_816 used the label ‘Zionist’ on Drake because he is only black through his father, but his mother is Jewish.

    Brookie👁️ @Brooke_816:
    So now it’s confirmed—Drake and his lawsuit are actively trying to censor hip-hop.
    @LowKeyUHTN , are you n’ the rest of hip hop media gonna speak on the damage this Karen rapper is doing to the genre

    Is hip-hop gonna standup…or let itself get gentrified by Zionist like @Drake

    The Anti-Jewish Racism Behind the Pallyweid “Genocide” Slur.

    If you needed further proof that the so-called “genocide” slur—flung at Israel for defending itself against true-genociders Islamic Palestinian movement/regime that cynically uses civilians as shields—is nothing but a thinly veiled anti-Jewish racist agenda, look no further than the latest outrage. Hen Mazzig’s post on X link lays it bare.

    Taylor Swift, a global icon, is now under fire for the crime of humanizing Israelis. Her new documentary, featuring a heartwarming interview with three girls who met Israelis at her London concert and a CNN clip from a Tel Aviv correspondent, has sparked the trending hashtag #TaylorSwiftIsAZionist. The “Free Palestine” crowd, in a fit of unhinged fury, accuses her of “specifically planting Jewish people” to whitewash supposed “baby killers[sic] & genociders[sic]”—a grotesque distortion of Israel’s fight for survival.

    Even worse, Jewish Swifties are being branded “Zios,” a slur rooted in white supremacist circles, including the KKK’s David Duke. This isn’t activism; it’s antisemitism dressed up as progressive virtue. The rage stems from a simple truth: recognizing Jews and Israelis as human beings—people with a homeland, normal lives, and a love for artists like Swift—shatters the dehumanizing narrative these bigots rely on. Without it, their worldview collapses, exposing their bigotry for all to see.

    Taylor, if you’re listening, HaYarkon Park in Tel Aviv awaits—100,000 fans ready to make history. Let’s turn this hate into a celebration of resilience.

  5. You’re getting a little carried away. Dr. Daniel’s prose abilities are good (kind of to be expected anytime somebody reads a lot and has gotten a lot of practice). But anyone who takes a good look can see that as a writer he has shortcomings. Among other things, he’s a partisan who talks repeatedly about certain issues and people while ignoring others of similar import – good writers don’t do that. He can also avoid taking a clear position and talk out of both sides of his mouth when he wants to, which is kind of ironic for someone who has talked a lot about the importance of clarity of language. Mike Royko was a better writer, he was a thoroughly honest and fearless commentator and for that reason actually fun to read. A lot of the things Daniels has said, Mike Royko said better.

  6. Asking Grok about “human rights” groups, and did not mention Israel. How did Grok know to point to it?

    Q:

    I refer to “human rights” groups who sing in one tone copying one another when their motivation is biased towards one particular country.

    A:

    The phenomenon you’re describing—where multiple “human rights” organizations issue highly similar criticisms, reports, or statements focused disproportionately or exclusively on violations by one particular country (often perceived as an adversary), while downplaying or ignoring comparable issues elsewhere—is commonly referred to as **selective outrage** or **selective indignation**.

    This term captures the idea of inconsistent or partisan application of human rights standards, where advocacy appears motivated more by geopolitical, ideological, or cultural biases than by universal principles. Major organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have faced repeated accusations of this, particularly for disproportionate focus on certain countries (e.g., Israel in UN and NGO reporting) while exhibiting relative silence on abuses in allied or powerful nations.

    Related concepts include:
    – **Double standards** in human rights monitoring: Applying scrutiny unevenly based on political alignments.
    – **Echo chamber effect** or **pack journalism** in advocacy: Groups reinforcing each other’s narratives through similar framing, sourcing, or timing of reports, creating an amplified but homogenized “tone.”
    – **Halo effect**: The tendency to uncritically accept claims from organizations branded as “human rights” defenders, shielding them from scrutiny even when their output shows patterns of selectivity.

    Critics argue this undermines credibility, turning advocacy into a tool for broader agendas rather than impartial defense of rights. Defenders often counter that focus reflects severity or access to information, though evidence of recurring patterns (e.g., agenda items singling out one country) supports claims of bias.

    In essence, when groups “sing in one tone” on a targeted country, it often exemplifies selective outrage driven by shared biases.

  7. THE SHAM OF ‘B’TSELEM’: A OSTENSIBLE “HUMAN RIGHTS” GROUP

    Question to ChatGPT:

    ChatGPT a yes or no answer, without justification:
    can you find even one case, where, B’tselem (who claims to be a “human rights” organization), has advocated for human rights of a non-Arab? AKA rights of a Jew?(don’t show me a Jew’s “rights” while acting for Arabs).

    ChatGPT:
    No.

    https://d92jriqgxx3mly.archive.is/f1z3v/b7b6157d68e775d000fc6f963ac80832a45a9e2a.png
    ___

    Question to ChatGPT:
    Are ultra-Orthodox Jews Haredim discriminated at times in Israel? Yes or no answer.

    ChatGPT:
    Yes.

    Question to ChatGPT:

    Does this prove discrimination, if when occurs is largely cultural and not “race,” based, yes or no?

    ChatGPT:
    Yes.

    https://d26vf3riwl7bcb.archive.is/aqfwo/c02347acd7117974b7159c0319aaa2cf7bf4a75f.png

    Question to ChatGPT:

    Can you find even one case where B’tselem has ever advocated for an ultra-Orthodox Haredi, yes or no?

    ChatGPT:
    No, there isn’t a notable record of B’Tselem specifically advocating for the ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) community..

    https://d1l8qj7r5pmfxp.archive.is/2Gpzy/23c7f415d99a942c4f4fb155326557a29c43bd63.png
    ___

    Question to Grok:
    Did B’tselem condemn Palestine Islamic Gaza government’s Oct 7 attacks before it condemnded Israel’s response that came later?

    Grok:
    No, B’Tselem did not condemn the October 7, 2023, attacks by Hamas (referred to in the query as the “Palestine Islamic Gaza government”) before condemning Israel’s subsequent military response.

    Question:
    Did B’tselem ever use the term ‘Arab supremacy’, or ‘Islamic supremacy’, or ‘racism’ on any Arab or Arabs’ actions? Yes or no answer.

    Grok:
    No.
    B’Tselem has never used the terms “Arab supremacy”, “Islamic supremacy”, or described any actions by Arabs, Palestinians, Hamas, or other Arab/Palestinian entities as rooted in “racism” or supremacist ideology in that manner.

    https://d5wvhgx3frkdsi.archive.ph/422J3/33bd66e68cb0605913e5b6d6ca04510d3b4b57bb.png

    https://d78s4ilwpypx1f.archive.ph/xFSnR/9e7cab8b3607139d2070a18f49dd0816b90901fb.png

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

SUMMER FUNDRAISER!

Please help NER stay free!
No paywalls!

A genuine literary magazine. NER combines courageous values with excellent writingreally smart, very creative and entertaining.
          — Andrew Klavan

New English Review Press is a priceless cultural institution.
          — Bruce Bawer

Order on Amazon, Amazon UK, or wherever books are sold.

Order at Amazon US, Amazon UK or wherever books are sold. 

Order on Amazon, Amazon UK, or wherever books are sold. Audiobook also available.

Order on Amazon, Amazon UK, or wherever books are sold.

Order at Amazon, Amazon UK, or wherever books are sold. 

A history lover’s dream. Order on Amazon US, Amazon UK, or wherever books are sold. 

Order on Amazon US, Amazon UK or wherever books are sold. 

The perfect gift for the history lover in your life. Order on Amazon US, Amazon UK or wherever books are sold.

Order on Amazon, Amazon UK or wherever books are sold.

Share via
Send this to a friend